Organizer: Narana Sinai Coissoro, Independent Scholar, Portugal With important resources and with a powerful geopolitical position in Asia, India is the second highest populated country of the world and it promises to be a strong potency in the world scenario. Indian population’s growth rate is proximal to 48%. The work age population is next to 64% of the total population what means a highly potential to growth, but above of all a greatly capability to economic development (CIA, 2009).
Having all of this into consideration we aim to study the “Taj Mahal” country in a very distinguish perspective, with this we mean that we plan to analyze the Indian policy and politics in what concerns its main goals: I referring external policy, geopolitics, and main strategy. In short, our objective is to define some major outlines related with the questions that follow: What sort of external policy is carried on by India? What is its shape? It is equal in what concerns direct neighbors and other countries? Is Indian external policy a “potency’s policy” one? And, what type of conflicts exists indoors (religious, ethnic-tribal) the country? Is this reflected in the external Indian policy? What is the Indian economic projection in the world? How is this connected with the military power of the country? And, how can the Indian projection be correlated with not just the economic growth but, also, with Indian “Diaspora”? How does the Indian’s mass media describe these policies? How is the government structure and political institutional arrangement influencing the India external policy?
In India, while the central government was attempting to reduce its role in the economy in some areas, state governments continued to play a significant role in their economies (Chhibber and Kollman, 2004: 143). In fact, the tendency for Indian constitutional designers, therefore, was to give the central government considerable authority relative to that of state governments as a means to ensure national integrity. Moreover, the central government, in the first decade following independence, decided to become the policy engine for economic development. The dominant paradigm in Indian politics at independence was that the government would be the engine of economic and social transformation (Chhibber and Kollman, 2004: 133).
All that economic power that was increasing gave economical support to the military power of the country. Above of the peaceful Indian instincts, that are based in the struggle for freedom, is known the skeptical attitude towards alliances with neighbors. In international terms, we will have to consider Indian diplomacy, and with the same heaviness the cultural, military and economic potential (Sagar 2009). Within the military power, we must note the Indian nuclear capability, which, now, has the international agreement through the Treaty for Civil Nuclear Cooperation (signed in 2007), that signaled the American recognition of India as a nuclear power (Kandi, 2008: 323).
Devoted to Panchsheel’s principles and maintaining yet the status of a non-alignment country, India has been obliged to review its international position and its external policy, due to the new global realities, the big challenges and the threats that it faces on its territory (Sinha; Mohta, 2007; Engelmeier, 2009). This reviewing is based on three main causes for India’s survival as a nation and its development: the territory’s security, the fight against terrorism and the development of the country, for which energetic security plays an essential role.
After experienced an openness, that leaved Nehru’s romantic neutrality, India’s external policy has been progressing to an interested alignment with the great powers of the West, on the consequent dilution of the Russia’s role as its main friend and ally. In this context, Great Britain has ever played a singular role, reinforced by the India’s adhesion to the Commonwealth.
The neighborhood with China and their territorial conflicts are indissociable with this turn in Indian external policy, due to state reasons and an emergent power in the global scenario – which has not been an impediment to the India’s participation on different frameworks of bilateral and multilateral dialogue with China, as the example of the BRIC, IRC and the Indian proximity to the Cooperation Organization of Shangai (Emmott, 2008). Yet, the complex situation and the fragility of the neighborhood countries have determined a specific Indian foreign policy to the region that is much far away from the principles of neutrality.
India is one of five largest markets for newspapers with 99 million copies daily (WAN, Göteborg, 2 June 2008) and occupies the 77th place in the 2008 Freedom of the Press World Ranking (Freedom House), being partly free (Sonia Bathla, 1997; Uday Sahay, 2006).
Internally, 2009 Indian Readership Survey findings shows that the largest read national language newspapers are Dainik Jagran (55.7 million readers) and Dainik Bhaskar (31.9 million readers), both published in hindi. The Times of India is the most widely read English language newspaper (13.3 million), followed by Hindustan Times (6.3 million) and The Hindu (5.2 million). Eenadu, published in telugu and with 1.25 million readers, has the largest circulation in regional languages.
The Indian language papers have taken over the English press. Using regional languages has been the market strategy followed by regional papers, beginning with Eenadu, a telegu daily started by Ramoji Rao (Mariola Offredi, 1993). According to Dinseh Sharma, "the newspapers printed in local languages have a bigger market in smaller towns and rural India, and this market is yet to be explored in its full potential" (The Independent, 13.12.3004).
Aware that the media reflect society and its functioning, we propose to analyze the major Indian newspapers. For this, we will use the technique of content analysis and we will support in statistical indicators, to better characterize the Indian media reality.
India’s Republic, or in other words Bharatiya Ganaraya, is a federal republic having the capital in New Delhi (CIA, 2009). India is a parliamentary democracy, it is political administration has tree divisions that we must consider, the legislative branch, the executive branch and the judicial branch. In what refers to the legislative branch we have a bicameral Parliament, being the House of People the most powerful. The parliament house is in New Delhi and has insight the Council of States and the House of People. There is still local governments division on the country that has 28 states (Kindersley, 2006: 62). The executive branch is divided between the president and the prime minister. An electoral college elects the President, this electoral college comprises members of both houses of the parliament and of the state legislatures (Kindersley, 2006: 62-63). Finally the judicial branch that has a Supreme Court, that is, the highest judicial authority in civil, criminal and constitutional cases (has up to 26 judges that are appointed by the President on the recommendation of the Prime Minister; the High Courts that are in the number of 18, and three of then have jurisdiction over more than one state, their chief justices are appointed by the president in consultation with Chief Justice of India and state governor. (Kindersley, 2006: 63).
Having into consideration the institutional framework we intent to better understand the decision making process in the definition of external policy guidelines.
India’s environment is a reflex of internal divisions, ethnic and identity differences. As a result of that, “India has evolved from a highly centralized state dominated by one political party to an increasingly fragmented one, controlled by unstable multiparty alliances and influenced more and more by regional parties. Groups such as the Dalits, the lowest Hindu caste, and tribal peoples have also demanded a greater voice in government” (Kindersley, 2006: 64). It’s relevant to identify, mainly, a legal system that tried to seek a model that ended social inequality. However, the clash between Parliament powers and Courts, primarily the Supreme Court had decreased, several times, the efficiency of the constitutional amendments (Kindersley, 2006: 64).
The Indian Diaspora is estimated to be over 30 million. The Government of India recognizes the importance of Indian Diaspora as it has brought economic, financial, and global benefits to India (india.gov.in).
On top emigration countries 2005, India is the 3rd country with 10,0 millions migrants (Development Prospects Group, World Bank), and on top immigration countries 2005, India is the 8th country with 5,7 millions (United Nations Population Division, World Bank). Its average annual net migration (thousands) 2005-2010 is -200.0 (www.unpopulation.org).
We propose to analyze and discuss the contribution of ethnicity for the India’s wealth and the weight of Diaspora for the India’s growth. To achieve these aims, we will analyze specific literature, interviews, official documents, as legislation and statistical data.
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